Blackmail (Israel)

https://altcensored.com/watch?v=kRx7naNRs5w

It's impossible to talk about sexual blackmail in American politics of the 20th century without addressing the man who was behind the MLK 'suicide letter', the longtime director of the FBI, Jay. Edgar Hoover. Hoover ran the FBI from its founding in 1935 until his death in office in 1972 and he became one of the most powerful figures in the entire federal government during his tenure. Besides being the sole director of the biggest domestic espionage and law enforcement organization in the United States, Hoover maintained an extensive database of compromising material about politicians, journalists, and celebrities gathered by FBI agents across the country and kept in a safe in Hoover's office which he used to consolidate his power through both blackmail and strategic leaks. During the presidential election of 1960 between Richard Nixon and John F. Kennedy, Hoover decided to throw his weight behind the more conservative Nixon, slipping the Republican vice president his blackmail file on JFK's sexual indiscretions, including surveillance photographs the FBI had taken of him and his mistresses, and even tapes from bugs they' planted in hotel rooms where JFK had consummated the affairs. Hoover's treachery was only revealed years later when the famous journalist Jack Anderson gave a TV interview in which he admitted that affiliates of the Nixon campaign had approached him and other journalists with the blackmail material, hoping to get it published in one of the big American newspapers before the election. Anderson accepted the dossier but declined to publish it, picking up some details about Hoover's blackmail methods in the process. It was rather a friendly approach, pretending to be trying to protect the president. It would be something like, "There's some information that we've heard that your enemies might get, Mr. president and we would like you to know we're helping to guard this information so that it won't get out. It was a way of letting the president know that Jay Edgar Hoover also had that information and then when he needed an appropriation, wanted a presidential pardon, well, he always got them. I know how he operated. This characterization of Hoover's blackmail operation that he approached politicians under the guise of a concerned friend looking to protect their reputation was reiterated by Watergate burglar G. Gordon Litty, whose FBI career included a stint at the division known as the crime records department, which much of the blackmail material passed through on its way to Hoover. As Ly recounted to Anthony Summers in the book Official and Confidential, say there was a bank robbery someplace, an informant might tell us the man to look for was holed up in the Skyline Motel about six blocks south of the capital in Washington. Agents search the motel and in the process they come across Senator X in bed with Miss Lucy Schwarzoff, age 15 and a half. They make their apologies and withdraw, but everything has to go into the record. The supervisor who gets the report may think there's no need to keep stuff on the pecadillos of Senator X, but he has no authority to destroy it. The report has to go up to the director's office. In Edgar's office, said Litty, a summary would be prepared for Miss Gardner of crime records. Those involved in congressional liaison, like Litty himself, would come across it sooner or later. Say the director was expecting to meet Senator X or if the senator's name had come up in some way, I would have to prepare a memorandum. I would check out the card held by Miss Gardner and if there was something noteworthy, I would write a note, perhaps a blind memorandum for the director only. It would say something like, "The director may wish to recall that Senator X was involved in such and such an incident and is not very discreet." "Sometimes," said Edgar might send an official to meet with the compromised politician soon after receiving the initial report. The messenger would simply say, "Mr. Hoover apologized for the intrusion into the senator's privacy, assure him it came up in the course of legitimate inquiries, and tell him not to worry. This had been removed from the file. The whole point was to let the senator know that Hoover knew. That's why when Hoover would go before the appropriations committee and say he wanted something, they'd give him anything, anything, because they were afraid of what he had. When it comes to proving who exactly Hoover blackmailed in this way, and to what ends, the majority of the evidence is almost certainly lost to history. Some of the most precise details that have appeared in the public record, come from Anthony Summers's book, Official and Confidential. Emanuel Geller of Brooklyn, a Democratic congressman for 50 years, many of them as chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, told New York Post publisher Dorothy Schiff that he was afraid to speak his mind about Edgar's abuses because the FBI had a hold on him. In public, he continued to speak of Edgar as a most exemplary public servant. It was not uncommon, said veteran agent Arthur Myrtto, to learn of some politically damaging information about some leading figure in politics as having been developed by the bureau, and then always at a time when it would be most damaging to the individual, the information would in some way show up in the Chicago Tribune or some other friend of the bureau. Walter Trowan, the Chicago Tribune reporter who was close to Edgar, recalled talking with some of the victims of such tactics. Some of Hoover's overwhelming support on the Hill was due to what I can only call blackmail, polite blackmail. Senator Sam Irvin, remembered for his presiding role during the Watergate hearings, behaved differently in 1971 when his chairman for the subcommittee on constitutional rights. He vetoed a probe of FBI abuses. I think he said of Edgar, he has done a very good job in a difficult post. According to William Sullivan, Irvin was quote in our pocket. It was financial, something like the Abe Foris affair. This is why he came out praising the bureau. Edgar liked to send dirt on politicians to the White House. I know he had a dossier on me, recalled former Florida Senator George Smatters. Because Lyndon Johnson read it to me. Johnson called me in the middle of the night. He loved to do that and said, "These are rumors the FBI have been picking up about you." He also read me the file on Senator Thirsten Morton, the former chairman of the Republican National Committee and the one on Barry Goldwater. There was a lot about Nixon in there, too. A lot of people were very nervous. The journalist Jack Anderson would later report that after Kennedy's electoral victory over Nixon in 1960, Hoover began feeding JFK compromising material about other politicians. The editor of the Washington Post, Ben Bradley, related a conversation he'd had with Kennedy in which the president had said, "Boy, the dirt Hoover has on those senators, you wouldn't believe it."

Blackmail Rings

The Big Stein

Blackmailed Silly Billies

J edgar hoover, LBJ, Marilyn Monroe

Bill Clinton - In 1998, Bill Clinton's presidency was thrown into turmoil when his affair with White House intern Monica Lewinsky was made public for the first time. Starting in 1995 when Clinton was 49 and Lewinsky was 22, the parrot had sexual relations in the Oval Office and engaged in frequent lengthy phone calls which sometimes included phone sex. In February 1997, before the existence of the affair had been publicly revealed, Clinton held a scheduled Oval Office meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu. Shortly afterward, Clinton's Secretary Betty Curry reached out to Lewinsky and invited her to an Oval Office meeting, saying Clinton had something important to tell her. At the meeting, Clinton told Lewinsky that a foreign embassy had tapped his phone and was now in possession of recordings of their conversations. Clinton didn't specify which embassy, but the meeting with Netanyahu had occurred just a month earlier. In October 1998, Clinton hosted Netanyahu and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat for a summit at Y River, Maryland. Towards the end of the summit, at 7:00 a.m. after a long night of final negotiations, Netanyahu approached Clinton privately to demand the release of convicted spy Jonathan Pard and implied that if Pard wasn't freed, the tapes of Clinton and Lewinsky might find their way to the media. According to the book Clinton, Inc. by Washington Examiner editor Daniel Halper. After demanding Pard's release, Netanyahu brought up the Lewinsky tapes unprompted and told Clinton not to worry because Israeli intelligence had gotten rid of the recordings. But the calculated reference to the tape's existence was obviously intended as an implicit threat of blackmail, and Clinton understood it as such. On the last day of the Y River meetings, Clinton initiated the process of pardoning Pard and only backed down when his CIA director, George Tennant, threatened to resign if Pard was released.